Juan Garcia Oliver

Juan Garcia Oliver

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Juan Garcia Oliver was born in Spain in 1901. After the First World War he worked as a waiter. He joined the CNT and became a close associate of Buenaventura Durruti and is believed to have taken part in the assassination of Juan Soldevila Romero, the archbishop of Saragossa.

Garcia Oliver was imprisoned during the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera. After six months he was released and soon afterwards fled to France.

In the first year of the Spanish Civil War Garcia Oliver and the CNT tried to reorganize the Spanish economy. National and regional conferences of peasants, communication workers, metal workers and railway employees made efforts to introduce collectivization.

In September 1936 José Giral was replaced by Francisco Largo Caballero as prime minister. Largo Caballero brought into his government several left-wing radicals into his government including four anarchists, Garcia Oliver (Justice), Juan López (Commerce), Federica Montseny (Health) and Juan Peiró (Industry). He left the government later in the same month, but remained active in Barcelona until Catalonia fell in 1939.

Juan Garcia Oliver escaped to France and later moved to Sweden. He died in Mexico in 1980.

I spoke with Garcia Oliver. He was also in a frenzied state. Intransigent. At the same time that Lopez, the leader of the Madrid syndicalists, was declaring to me that they had not permitted and would not permit attacks on the Soviet Union in the CNT newspaper, Oliver declared that they had said that they were "criticizing" the Soviet Union because it was not an ally, since it had signed the non-interference pact, and so on. Durruti, who has been at the front, has learned a lot, whereas Oliver, in Barcelona, is still nine-tenths anarchist ravings. For instance, he is against a unified command on the Aragon front; a unified command is necessary only when a general offensive begins. Sandino, who was present during this part of the conversation, spoke out for a unified command. They touched on the question of mobilization and the transformation of the militia into an army. Durruti made much of the mobilization plans (I do not know why - there are volunteers but no guns). Oliver said that he agreed with Durruti, since "Communists and Socialists are hiding themselves in the rear and pushing the FAI-ists out of the cities and villages." At this point he was almost raving. I would not have been surprised if he had shot me.

I spoke with Trueba, the PSUC (Communist) political commissar. He complained about the FAI-ists. They are not giving our men ammunition. We have only thirty-six bullets left per man. The anarchists have reserves of a million and a half. Colonel Villalba's soldiers only have a hundred cartridges each. He cited many instances of the petty tyrannies of FAI. People from the CNT complained to me that Fronsosa, the leader of PSUC, gave a speech at a demonstration in San Boi in which he said that the Catalans should not be given even one gun, since the guns would just fall into the hands of the anarchists. In general, during the ten days that I was in Catalonia, relations between Madrid and the generalitat on the one hand, and that between the Communists and the anarchists on the other, became very much more strained. Companys is wavering; either he gravitates toward the anarchists, who have agreed to recognize the national and even nationalistic demands of the Esquerra, or he depends on the PSUC in the struggle against FAI. His circle is divided between supporters of the former and of the latter solutions. If the situation on the Talavera front worsens, we can expect him to come out on one or the other side. We must improve relations between the PSUC and the CNT and then try to get closer to Companys.

In Valencia our party is working well, and the influence of the UGT is growing. But the CNT has free rein there. The governor takes their side completely. This is what happened when I was there: sixty anarchists with two machine-guns turned up from the front, as their commander had been killed. In Valencia they burned the archives and then wanted to break into the prison to free the criminals. The censor (this is under Lopez, the leader of the CNT) prohibited our newspaper from reporting about any of this outrage, and in the CNT paper there was a note that the "free masses destroyed the law archives as part of the accursed past."

Today I again had a long conversation with Companys. He proposed to form a local government in this way: half Esquerra, half CNT and UGT. He said that he would reserve for himself finance and the police. After my words on the fact that the anarchists' lack of personal responsibility would interfere with manufacturing, he declared that he "agreed" to put a Marxist at the head of industry. He called Oliver a fanatic. He reproached the PSUC for not answering the terror of the anarchists with the same. On the conduct of the Catalan militia in Madrid, he said that that was the FAI-ists and that the national Guardia and the Esquerrists would fight anyone. He said that Madrid itself wanted the CNT militia, while not hiding the fact that the latter left to "establish order in Madrid." He advised sending them back from Madrid.

The whole time he cursed the FAI. He knew that I was going from him to the CNT and was very interested in how the FAI-ists would converse with me. He requested that I communicate the results of the conversation with him. He complained that the FAI-ists were against Russia were carrying out anti-Soviet propaganda, or more accurately, carried out but that he was our friend, and so on. A steamship, even if it held only sugar would soften his heart.

A large share of the abuses on the Loyalist side has been credited to the common criminals liberated with the political prisoners in the general amnesty which followed the February, 1936, elections. Extremist leaders demanded and secured the freedom of these criminals on the grounds that the courts which sentenced them, having been set up under the old capitalistic regimes, were incapable of administering "proletarian justice." Given arms and authority, many of these ex-convicts lost no time in reverting to lawlessness. The Generalitat Ministry of Interior, answering charges that it had failed to curtail crime in Catalonia, declared:

"Before order can be re-established in Catalonia, we must round up the irresponsible criminals now loose in our territory. Where are the thousands of murderers, robbers and other evil-doers who gained their freedom when the gates of the prisons were opened? They were armed along with the rest, but they are not at the front. We must find them and put them back where they belong before we can hope to have order here."

A few of these ex-prisoners have, however, distinguished themselves on the side of law and order since they were released. The most notable instance of this has been the career of Jose Garcia Oliver, anarchist Minister of Justice in the Popular Front cabinet. Garcia Oliver was serving an indeterminate term for robbery when the amnesty was declared. He has proved a popular and efficient minister. Impartial legal minds termed his decree giving equal rights to women "one of the finest bits of legal terminology in the Spanish civil code."

My conversations with Garcia Oliver and with several other CNT members, and their latest speeches, attest to the fact that the leaders of the CNT have an honest and serious wish to concentrate all forces in a strengthened united front and on the development of military action against the fascists. I must note that the PSUC is not free from certain instances that hamper the "consolidation of a united front": in particular, although the Liaison Commission has just been set up, the party organ Treball suddenly published an invitation to the CNT and the FAI that, since the experience with the Liaison Commission had gone so well, the UGT and the PSUC had suggested that the CNT and the FAI create even more unity in the form of an action commission. This kind of suggestion was taken by leaders of the FAI as simply a tactical maneuver. Comrade Valdes and Comrade Sese did not hide from me that the just-mentioned suggestion was meant to "talk to the masses of the CNT over the heads of their leaders." The same sort of note was sounded at the appearance of Comrade Comorera at the PSUC and UGT demonstration on 18 October - on the one hand, a call for protecting and developing the united front and, on the other, boasting about the UGT's having a majority among the working class in Catalonia, accusing the CNT and the FAI of carrying out a forced collectivization of the peasants, of hiding weapons, and even of murdering "our comrades."

The PSUC leaders-designate agreed with me that such tactics were completely wrong and expressed their intention to change them. I propose that we get together in the near future with a limited number of representatives of the CNT and the FAI to work out a concrete program for our next action.

In the near future, the PSUC intends to bring forward the question on reorganizing the management of military industry. At this point the Committee on Military Industry works under the chairmanship of Tarradellas, but the main role in the committee is played by Vallejos (from the FAI). The PSUC proposes to put together leadership from representatives from all of the organizations, to group the factories by specialty, and to place at the head of each group a commissar, who would answer to the government.

The evaluation by Garcia Oliver and other CNT members of the Madrid government seems well founded to me. Caballero's attitude toward the question of attracting the CNT into that or any other form of government betrays his obstinate incomprehension of that question's importance. Without the participation of the CNT, it will not, of course, be possible to create the appropriate enthusiasm and discipline in the people's militia/Republican militia.

The information concerning the intentions of the Madrid government for a timely evacuation from Madrid was confirmed. This widely disseminated information undermines confidence in the central government to an extraordinary degree and paralyzes the defense of Madrid.

Why the Navajo Nation Banned Genetic Research

In 2003, Carletta Tilousi, a member of northern Arizona’s tiny Havasupai Tribe, listened to a student’s doctoral presentation. She was there to hear the results of a diabetes study conducted, in part, with her DNA.

Or so she thought. As the student spoke, Tilousi realized that her DNA𠅊nd that of other members of the Havasupai Tribe—had been used for other studies, too. Some of the findings, it turned out, challenged her tribe’s traditional stories by suggesting the Havasupai people did not originate in Arizona. That genetic analysis, tribe members worried, could potentially pose a threat to their claims to their traditional lands.

Tilousi’s case is part of the reason that the Navajo Nation, the second-largest federally recognized tribe in the United States, continues to ban research using its people’s DNA. Since 2002, Navajo leaders and community members have opted out of genetic research because of suspicions about how their DNA would be used and a long history of distrust of the medical community’s motivations and methods.

In August 2017, a group of Navajo Nation leaders and community members came together to decide whether to lift the moratorium. “Navajo leaders, researchers, tribal members and even medicine men are pretty much in consensus,” reports Pauly Denetclaw for the Navajo Times. It’s now likely that the Navajo Nation will lift the ban.

The specifics of the new policy are still being hashed out. But one thing is already clear: This time, the Navajo Nation will be in control of their own people’s DNA.

That’s a dramatic break from the past—one in which Native American people’s bodies and genetic material have been violated and used without consent.

Native Americans’ bodies have been subjects of curiosity and medical experimentation since Europeans began to colonize North America. In the 19th century, academics applied pseudoscience like phrenology, which claimed that skull shape reflected intellect and morality, to Native Americans. According to historian Marren Sanders, phrenologists used the skulls of Native Americans to “prove” that “the Indians were ‘more ignorant and vindictive, blood-thirsty and cruel in war,’ and would ultimately ‘prefer extermination to slavery.’”

Casts of Native American heads from the 19th century that are part of the phrenology collection at the Museum of Man (Musee de l’Homme) in Paris. (Credit: Patrick Kovarik/AFP/Getty Images)

Phrenologists weren’t the only people interested in Native American bodies. Anthropologists and museum curators were too. Over the course of the 19th century, they collected Native American remains, even digging up graves, out of a desire to compare them to those of other races.

Often, these practices were used to justify the mistreatment of Native Americans, fueling mistrust in any scientific use of people’s bodies. And experiences like those of Tilousi made it even more difficult to trust researchers.

Though Tilousi and other Havasupai Tribe members thought they were donating DNA to a research project on type 2 diabetes, the material was also used for studies on things like schizophrenia, inbreeding and the tribe’s geographical roots.

To Tilousi and other tribe members, that felt like a violation. Though each of those topics is relevant to the scientific community, they are taboo within Havasupai culture. Genetic evidence that the Havasupai people migrated from the Bering Strait directly conflicts with the tribe’s understanding of its origins. Those stories hold that the Havasupai has always lived in Arizona, and that belief underlies the tribe’s claims on its traditional lands.

Some questioned the need to do scientific research about the genetic origins of Native Americans at all. As Kim Tallbear, an expert in racial politics in science and member of the Sisseton Wahpeton Oyate Tribe askedThe Atlantic’s Rose Eveleth, “We know who we are as a people, as an indigenous people, why would we be so interested in where scientists think our genetic ancestors came from?”

Though the researcher who used the Havasupai Tribe’s DNA for other purposes maintained she had received informed consent, the Havasupai Tribe sued. Eventually, it received a $700,000 payout. The case was compared to that of Henrietta Lacks, an African-American woman whose cells became the basis of thousands of medical studies and breakthroughs without her or her family’s knowledge or consent and without compensation.

Rex Tilousi, elder and spiritual leader of the Arizona Havasupai tribe, speaking during a news conference after a settled lawsuit alleging Arizona State University scientists of misusing blood samples to study schizophrenia, inbreeding and ancient population migration. (Credit: Ross D. Franklin/AP/REX/Shutterstock)

Tribal sovereignty and a history of misused remains aren’t the only reason to question genetic research using the DNA of Native American people. To many Native Americans, there are serious ramifications for using a person’s biological material—whether they’re alive or dead.

“To us,” explained Frank Dukepoo, a Hopi geneticist, told the San Francisco Chronicle, 𠇊ny part of ourselves is sacred. Scientists say it’s just DNA. For an Indian, it is not just DNA, it’s part of a person, it is sacred, with deep religious significance. It is part of the essence of a person.”

Now, reports Sara Reardon for Nature, the Navajo Nation will likely lift the ban and put a policy in place that dictates how testing is done, who oversees the genetic material and information about the DNA, and what’s done with the material once it’s been used.

That’s big news for scientists. The ban’s end means they’ll have the chance to work with genetic material donated by people from the Navajo Nation—material that could yield new scientific insights, fuel discoveries and potentially improve the health of Navajo people themselves with the development of specialized treatments based on genetic information.

Will the lift of the Navajo ban increase Native American participation in genetic studies? It’s hard to tell. But even if the use of Native Americans’ DNA becomes more common, misgivings will likely linger.

𠇊s Native Americans, we have a problem with trust because we have been violated so much,” David Begay, a pharmaceutical scientist at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque and a member of the Navajo Nation’s human-research review board, told Reardon.

Those violations may end in the future, but new policies won’t undo the pain of the past—or make it easier to move forward without justified suspicion.

Генеалогическая база данных Geni

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Nearly the Size of a Basketball Court

The Cave of Crystals is a horseshoe-shaped cavity in limestone rock about 30 feet (10 meters) wide and 90 feet (30 meters) long.

Its floor is covered in crystalline, perfectly faceted blocks. The huge crystal beams jut out from both the blocks and the floor.

"There is no other place on the planet where the mineral world reveals itself in such beauty," García-Ruiz said.

Volcanic activity that began about 26 million years ago created Naica mountain and filled it with high-temperature anhydrite, which is the anhydrous—lacking water—form of gypsum.

Anhydrite is stable above 136 degrees Fahrenheit (58 degrees Celsius). Below that temperature gypsum is the stable form.

When magma underneath the mountain cooled and the temperature dropped below 58 degrees Celsius, the anhydrite began to dissolve. The anhydrite slowly enriched the waters with sulfate and calcium molecules, which for millions of years have been deposited in the caves in the form of huge selenite gypsum crystals.

"There is no limit to the size a crystal can reach," García-Ruiz said.

But, he said, for the Cave of Crystals to have grown such gigantic crystals, it must have been kept just below the anhydrite-gypsum transition temperature for many hundreds of thousands of years.

In the upper cave, by contrast, this transition temperature may have fallen much more rapidly, leading to the formation of smaller crystals.

Department of History

The History Department remains committed to teaching and learning during the crisis caused by the coronavirus (Covid-19). If you need information, contact information for our departmental administrators is found on our Faculty & Staff page . Undergraduates needing advice about our major, transfer credit, or similar issues, should contact Professor Brian DeMare, Director of Undergraduate Studies, by email at [email protected] .


The rich heritage of New Orleans, our award-winning faculty, the outstanding history resources on our campus, and Tulane University's tradition of excellence make history a vital part of "the Tulane experience."

If you would like to learn more about Tulane's Department of History majors and programs of study, please contact me. I will be happy to send you information, arrange for you to tour our campus, and introduce you to our faculty. I hope to hear from you soon.

F. Thomas Luongo
Chair, Tulane History Department

Thinking of Law School?

The Department of History is pleased to offer a host of courses focused on law, including HISU 2910, Law and US History. This course surveys the history of the United States through legal cases from the revolutionary era to the present day. Through sensational murder trials and major Supreme Court precedents, students will explore the intersections of history and law. HISU 2910 is especially recommended for pre-law students, but all of our courses emphasize the kinds of skills students go on to use in law school. Don’t just take our word for it! Brandon Sprague, Class of 2019 and winner of the Tulane Law 34 Award: “My studies as a history major prepared me immensely for my time in law school. Law school requires reading sources of law, evaluating arguments, and articulating your conclusions persuasively, either orally or in writing, but I came to law school with a leg up, having already learned these skills through my history classes. My history assignments regularly asked me to read historical sources, come to a position about a certain question, and advocate for that position, whether through papers or seminar discussions.”


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The 2000s: Decade of Title Defenses

Mayweather put up many spirited defenses of his various titles during this decade, often knocking out challengers to his belts.

Mayweather retained the WBC super featherweight title in a March bout with Goyo Vargas.

Mayweather defended the title three times this year.

  • Jan. 20 - Diego Corrales, Las Vegas, TKO 10
  • May 26 - Carlos Herandez, Grand Rapids, W 12
  • Nov. 10 - Jesus Chavez, San Francisco, TKO 10

Mayweather won the WBC lightweight title in April and defended the belt in December.

Mayweather successfully defended the belt twice this year.

  • Apr. 19 - Victoriano Sosa, Fresno, California, W 12
  • Nov. 1 - Phillip N'Dou, Grand Rapids, TKO 7

Mayweather won the WBC light welterweight title in a June bout.

  • Jan. 22 - Henry Bruseles, Miami, TKO 8
  • June 25 - Arturo Gatti, Atlantic City, TKO 6
  • Nov. 19 - Sharmba Mitchell, Portland, Oregon, TKO 6

Mayweather won both the World Boxing Council and International Boxing Council welterweight titles this year.

Mayweather won the WBC junior middleweight title in a May bout against Oscar "The Golden Boy" De La Hoya and retained his WBC welterweight belt in a December match with Ricky Hatton.

Mayweather did not fight in 2008 but he did win a bout in September 2009.

Major League Baseball Players Born in Mexico

Major League Baseball Players Born in Mexico

Did you know that Jose Canseco was the first foreign-born (Cuba) player to reach the four-hundred home runs plateau? Did you know that Sammy Sosa was the first foreign-born (Dominican Republic) player to reach the five-hundred home runs plateau?

Baseball Almanac is aware that researching baseball players by their place of birth is common data found easily on the Internet today. We, as you are well aware, enjoy taking that extra step here and have taken that common data and added this amazing chart which will enable you to see a historical breakdown of players from any given year in history by their place of birth:

If you would like to see a comprehensive list broken down by country of the first player born in a country or territory other than the United States of America, we have one in our Famous First section called Foreign Born Baseball Players.

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Watch the video: Discurso de Juan García Oliver en 1937